Community Economic Development - DocumentsACTION 2000: A journey into the human and economic potential of the Upper Skeena February, 1998 A Forest Sector Economic Action Plan Prepared by: A-D Communications, Hazelton, B.C. (250) 842-2111 Prepared for: Village of Hazelton Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en Marketing Corporation Funded by: Forest Renewal B.C., Communities Fund Executive Summary This is a unique planning project. It is a partnership between a Western model of government and an organization based on a First Nation traditional government. These two organizations recognize the little control they have over the local forest land base. The Village of Hazelton, an incorporated municipal government, and the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation, which markets products derived from the two First Nations' traditional territories, want to increase local decision-making over the forest land base and create more equal distribution of the wealth generated from the resources harvested in the Kispiox Timber Supply Area. The communities at the centre of this planning project are also unique. We have communities that know up to 60-90% unemployment and yet, even in the low cycles of the forest industry, people do not leave the Upper Skeena. When times are hard we get by. Through this planning process it soon became apparent that one fundamental factor keeps us here - a strong connection to the land. This connection is true for both First Nations and non-First Nations. It is because of this connection to the land that many of us are able to survive the radically cyclical nature of the industrial forest economy. The recent Repap crisis and this cyclical nature of forestry is a reality of our area's history. This history includes industrialization and colonialization which has resulted in a community affected with dysfunction and poverty that comes from a loss of power. Because of our history, and the present reality of our communities within the Kispiox TSA, this plan places equal weight on the development of the economic and human potential. In order to have a sustainable economy, we require a community of people who can be flexible, creative and who have a sense of power. This plan is intended to move us, as a community, out of passive thinking and into action. The plan addresses power and wealth. It includes strategies to gain some control and influence over decisions affecting the Kispiox TSA's resources. It has come together through consultation with local people. It will succeed by the actions of local people. Each of us must start by asking what control and influence we want to gain and how we intend to share the wealth generated from this control and influence. Some of the recommendations in this plan are under way, others are yet to be implemented. The success of each recommendation depends on what we choose to do with them. We invite you to become involved. You can do so by contacting the Village of Hazelton office or the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation. A. Introduction and Background This planning project developed from discussions between the Village of Hazelton and the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation in August, 1996. These two forms of local government recognized the need to control their economic destiny. There was also the desire to build on a community vision process which had started during the Gitxsan treaty negotiations. The 12-month planning process began in February, 1997, with funding from Forest Renewal B.C. Local consultant A-D Communications was contracted by the Village of Hazelton and the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation to coordinate the development of the plan. Project funding included a Gitxsan trainee position. A-D Communications also subcontracted other consultants throughout the year to provide expertise in specialty areas. The project was called a forest sector economic action plan. This is a unique planning project. It is a partnership between a Western model of government and an organization based on a First Nation traditional system. The Village of Hazelton is an incorporated municipal government. The Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation markets products derived from the two First Nations' traditional territories. It is composed of House groups. House groups (Wilp) are the basic political, social and economic unit in the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en traditional system. Each House group has an hereditary chief, related members and is rooted in a specific land base in the traditional territory. What is also different about this forest sector economic action plan is its scope in linking the Gitxsan hereditary system and a non-Gitxsan system of government. The large scope is both political and geographic. The process of developing the plan has revealed a willingness on the part of non-Gitxsan and Gitxsan to work together to create a form of local governance that can assist in building a healthy, prosperous community based on local management of the abundant natural resources found in the area's forests and rivers. Implementation of the plan means consideration of large political questions, such as shared jurisdictional arrangements. It also means a large geographic area with a number of communities. B. The Community There are approximately 6,500 people living in the area defined by the Kispiox Timber Supply Area (TSA) which lies entirely within the traditional territories of the Gitxsan. The majority of the population is of Gitxsan heritage with most of the remainder of the population of Western European descent. People live in two municipalities, Hazelton and New Hazelton, and a number of other villages and settlement areas: South Hazelton, Two-Mile, Suskwa Valley, Kispiox Valley, Anspayaxw, Gitanmaax, Hagwilget, Gitsegukla, Gitwangak, Kitwanga Valley, Cedarvale and Gitanyow. There are a couple of population statistics which stand out: compared to the B.C. average, there is a higher percentage of people in younger age classes in the TSA and the work force has a lower level of formal education. Unemployment is very high with many of the communities experiencing a 60-90% unemployment rate. The current unemployment situation in the TSA is described by Human Resources Development Canada as "extreme." Despite the high unemployment, and cyclical nature of natural resource-based work, there is a very stable population base compared to other communities in the Northwest. Among many of the residents of the TSA there is a good working knowledge of, and connection to, the land. People enjoy being outside, want to work on the land and want to work in forestry. A 1995 survey commissioned by the Ministry of Forests found forestry provides 42% of all employment in the TSA, the public sector 25%, tourism 8%, agriculture 4% and other 21%. The area is rich in such natural resources as trees, minerals, non-timber forest products, wildlife and fisheries. The local forests support an Allowable Annual Cut (AAC) of 1,100,000 cubic metres. The Ministry of Forests estimates this cut can be maintained for 40 years. Most of this cut is distributed among major industries in five renewable forest licences: Skeena Cellulose - 576,815 cu.m (52% of AAC); Kitwanga Lumber - 77,852 cu.m (7%), Kispiox Forest Products - 64,124 cu.m (6%), Bell Pole - 55,414 cu.m (5%) and Hobenshield Brothers - 13,680 cu.m (1%). Three per cent of the AAC in the district is unallocated. Larger mills within the TSA employ approximately 400 people when operating at regular capacity but there is a crisis in the industrial forestry model as highlighted by the Skeena Cellulose operation which has been under creditor protection for close to one year and has survived with government assistance worth more than $200 million. There are at least six small sawmills in the TSA. They get their timber supply through a variety of Ministry of Forests timber sales, from woodlot owners, private sales and salvage. The total volume of wood used by these small mills is 69,000 cu.m annually. Typical jobs in forestry in the TSA include lay out work, road building, falling, harvesting activities, trucking, mill work, silviculture activities, administration (Ministry of Forests) and supply/service activities. The timber profile these people are dealing with has a large percentage of Western hemlock (47.5%) and subalpine fir (31%). The remainder of the profile on the timber harvesting land base is made up of spruce (12%), pine (8%), cedar (1%) and deciduous (0.5%). The estimated pulp log/saw log mix in the TSA is 44% pulp, 54% saw log which is a higher pulp component than the regional average. The second most important land-based sector for employment in the Kispiox TSA is tourism. Guiding sport fishermen is a seasonal activity which supports some on a full-time basis and others part-time. Guiding for hunting is not as large an enterprise locally. Lack of infrastructure on the land means backcountry tourism is still in its early stages although there have been a few initiatives in recent years, especially in the field of cultural camps. Guiding paddling, canoeing and rafting trips on local rivers is a growing activity. Some rivers in the district are regularly used by recreational paddlers such as kayakers. For "rubber tire" tourism much of the activity is focused on cultural attractions. 'Ksan historic village is an internationally known feature and is a regular stop on pre-booked bus tours to the Northwest. Totem poles in Gitanyow, Gitwangak and Kispiox are places frequented by tourists and Gitxsan carvers attract a lot of attention from all parts of the world. The non-mainstream economy is important to many people in the TSA. Activities in this sector include a growing inland commercial fishery which targets sockeye stocks from the Pinkut River and Fulton River hatcheries that are excess (overescapement) to the needs of maintaining a sustainable population. Beach seining and fish trap methods allow for a selective fishery between species and within species. Other significant activities in this alternate economy include mushroom picking, cutting and selling firewood, bartering and trading services and goods, and trapping. Many people depend on products from the land base for sustenance (berry picking, salmon, gardens, moose and deer meat) and sometimes these products are traded for other goods or services. Among Gitxsan residents, the feast system remains strong in its economic role as well as in its social, political and cultural aspects. Further details on a socioeconomic picture of the Kispiox TSA can be found in the socioeconomic discussion paper in Appendix 1. C. History of the Timber Industry Before European contact the land was managed by the Gitxsan. The use of the forest by the indigenous population had little impact on the overall functioning of the ecosystem. Trees were harvested for building shelters, for clothes, tools, ceremonial purposes and fuel. Forest use was part of the Gitxsan traditional economy from both a market and non-market standpoint. Russian sailors were probably the first non-indigenous visitors to the Northwest but their direct contact was mainly with coastal First Nations. The first European incursion into the Gitxsan territories didn't take place until the 1820s. Within forty years much of the early exploration of the Kispiox TSA had taken place with prospecting being a major activity. In the 1860s, the Colins Overland Telegraph trail construction was some of the first Western-based infrastructure on the local land base. A smallpox epidemic during this time killed about 30% of the Gitxsan population, throwing many House groups into disarray. Around the time B.C. joined confederation (1871) until the turn of the century, a number of laws and government policy initiatives had a large impact on the local economic, social and political structure. Canadian Parliament passed the Indian Act creating reserves and the Band council system. Later, laws were passed making feasts illegal and prohibiting Indians from selling fish or owning fishing licences. The Babine Agency was established at Hazelton by the Department of Indian Affairs and the residential school system was introduced. The turn of the century brought increased Western settlement to the Kispiox TSA and the start of commercial logging. The initial dominance of steam-driven paddle wheelers on the Skeena River created a large cordwood fuel market. Later, the paddle wheelers were overtaken by construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway creating opportunities for sawing and hewing ties, bridge timbers, poles and lumber for construction. The railway meant an increase in local markets for timber and access to new markets, both regional and export. By the 1920s numerous small sawmills in the district produced lumber for
domestic purposes and for export. The region became the cedar-pole cutting
capital of North America. Horse logging was the norm and thousands of poles
would be stacked along the Skeena with river drives being colourful affairs. The
stock market crash and depression starting in 1929 brought most of this business
to a halt. In the time since the end of WW I to the 1930s, the industrial
economic model became more dominant in WW II and its aftermath once again stimulated the growth of the industrial economic model and created a big demand for wood and local minerals. Mining during this time employed hundreds with the tungsten mine in the Red Rose area and the Silver Standard mine in Two Mile being typical examples. In 1947 the B.C. government introduced the tenure system for logging. At this time there were more than 100 small mills operating in the area, each employing approximately 8-10 people. During this era species-specific, selective cutting was the main form of harvesting. Mechanization in logging was limited. In the 1950s small mills began disappearing in competition for timber with larger firms. Small operators had to bid against bigger companies for wood. Mechanization became more predominant with caterpillar tractors appearing in the woods, gasoline-driven winches, logging trucks and chainsaws. Mining began its decline locally with cheaper sources for minerals found in other parts of the country and other parts of the world. Several laws in relations to Indians were changed making feasts legal once again, allowing for the raising of money for land claims and, in 1960, giving First Nations the vote in federal elections. Large scale clearcutting began in this area in the 1960s. The AAC increased, pulp mills were established in the Northwest, larger and more machinery was used in logging and technological advances were rapid. It was a time of fast change in the forest industry. Locals became dependent on global markets for stability in their jobs and capitalization costs for independent operators increased significantly. It was also during this time of great change that the federal government revamped and expanded the social welfare system. Forestry in the Kispiox TSA became more professional in the 1970s with university-educated government and company forester's applying blanket systems that weren't necessarily the best fit for the local forests. The forest industry in the district was booming by supplying a global market through heavily mechanized cutting methods on easily accessible, valley bottom, old growth timber. Large forest licenses were awarded by the Ministry of Forests. In 1973 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled on the Calder case with three of the seven judges supporting the view that aboriginal title was still in existence. The precedent setting case reignited Gitxsan efforts to have their control on the traditional territories recognized. The 1980s witnessed increased vertical integration in forest companies where one company would own interests in forest licenses, harvesting operations, pulp mills, saw mills, paper plants and transportation companies. Forestry employment in the Kispiox TSA became very vulnerable to outside market influences. The cyclical nature of global markets and increased competition from other timber producing countries meant an increased instability in the local economy. Chronic underemployment was found in the district. The Carnaby saw mill was built and large forest licenses were owned by a few mills. In 1984 the Gitxsan filed the Delgamuukw action in the B.C. Supreme Court in Smithers. Direct action on the land became more commonplace during the latter part of the decade and into the early 1990s, as Gitxsan became frustrated with the slow pace of negotiations concerning resource extraction activities on the traditional territories. Westar Timber, operators of the Carnaby saw mill, was sold to Repap Enterprises, along with its forest licenses, in the early 1990s. By 1997 Repap was bankrupt and in creditor protection. Repap's assets were transferred to Skeena Cellulose which was kept alive with the help of a $200 million government bail out package. Dozens of local contractors were owed millions of dollars and, facing bankruptcy, they voted in favour of a refinancing package where Skeena Cellulose paid 10 cents on every dollar outstanding. Today, the area's saw mill workers and loggers don't know whether they are working one day to the next. Provincially, there is a crisis in the forest industry as increased global competition, poor markets and lower profit margins result in mill closures, sell-offs, restructuring and consolidation of forest companies. The Skeena Cellulose situation is indicative of a trend towards corporatism where companies end up setting policy for, and controlling, government. Although the inland commercial fishery remains active, it is threatened by the collapse of the coastal commercial fishery. For years, many Gitxsan have travelled to the coast and worked in this seasonal industry but too many boats and technological advances means fewer fish are available for harvesting every year. Unemployment is characterized as "extreme" in the Kispiox TSA by Human Resources Development Canada. The provincial government's Forest Practices Code, and Forest Renewal B.C., began to make an impact in the TSA in the early 1990s. The Code is criticized by many local loggers as too cumbersome. Other community members think there isn't enough enforcement of the Code's regulations. The province, along with the federal government, began treaty negotiations with the Gitxsan in 1994 under the B.C. Treaty Process. Those negotiations were suspended in 1996 by the province because they believed not enough progress was being made at the table. B.C. stated they wished to pursue the Delgamuukw case in the Supreme Court of Canada before returning to the negotiating table with the Gitxsan. The Supreme Court of Canada decision on the Delgamuukw case was released in December, 1997. The highest court in the land set out the test for aboriginal title in its ruling, supported the concept of compensation to the Gitxsan for resource extraction activities occurring on their traditional territories, emphasized the Gitxsan must be consulted in a meaningful process before such activities occur and came down on the side of many of the Gitxsan arguments put forth in the original trial. The provincial government has yet to respond to the decision but it is expected there will be implications on how the Kispiox TSA land base is managed in the future and on treaty negotiations under the B.C. Treaty Process. For more background on the history of the local forest industry see Appendices 1 and 2. D. The Planning Process The forest sector economic action planning project began in February, 1997, with the establishment of a project steering committee and finished in January, 1998, with a community think tank. The final two months of the year-long project were focused on the formation of recommendations, on the development of community action strategies and on the completion of a five-year, land-based economic action plan. This section of the report highlights and summarizes the main vehicles used in planning. Steering committee A project steering committee was established early on comprised of Village of Hazelton mayor Alice Maitland, Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation president Don Ryan, District of New Hazelton mayor Peter Weeber and Kispiox Forest District operations manager Ron Mould. The steering committee reviewed drafts of documents before reports were distributed to the public and were routinely consulted on the direction the planning process was taking. Socioeconomic research Initial research involved study into social and economic factors relating to the Kispiox TSA and its communities. A literature search was conducted at the Kispiox Forest District library, the Village of Hazelton offices, Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation headquarters, A-D Communications resource library, and at the Gitxsan Treaty Office archives, as well as at other government agencies and organizations. As a result of the search, a number of documents were discovered which detailed socioeconomic data for the TSA. Interviews with key personnel in the above noted organizations provided additional data. The results were summarized into a discussion paper (Appendix 1) which was mailed to 500 community members to serve as a basis for a series of public meetings with individuals and groups. Public meetings and drop-ins Public meetings were intended to bring community members together to explore ideas about forestry-based projects and to identify forestry topics people wanted more information about. The meetings were scheduled at different times in the day to get as wide a range of turn out as possible. Using targeted advertising and careful selection of locations for the meetings, Gitxsan and non-Gitxsan participation was encouraged. In addition to these public meetings, informal drop-in sessions were scheduled in communities where residents could discuss their ideas about forest sector initiatives in a one-on-one format. These drop-in sessions also formed the basis for individual assistance, where community members who were entering into a forest sector initiative, or expanding one which was already started, were able to access administrative and networking support from A-D Communications. It was anticipated that the Repap crisis would increase public participation. But no increase resulted from the Repap situation. With mill shutdowns and contractors not being paid it was assumed that forest workers and other community members would be eager to enter into a planning process that could provide alternatives to the existing status quo. This was not the case. Reasons for this are discussed in Section E. Feedback from community meetings and public drop-in sessions was analysed and discussed with the steering committee. Specific topic areas were defined as a focus for further work in the planning process (see Appendix 3). Interviews Extensive interviewing took place during the summer of 1997. More than 100 people were surveyed during this period, representing all sectors of the local forest economy and many Gitxsan House groups (Appendix 4). The survey collected information on local forestry concerns. Interviews usually took place at worksites on the Kispiox TSA land base. Tenure options Soon into the project it became apparent community forest tenure was an interest shared by many residents of the TSA. Research into community forest tenure in B.C. was conducted throughout the summer and, in September, 1997, a research paper was completed. The document was summarized and mailed out to the community (Appendix 2). Forestry exhibition A forestry exhibition and workshop was organized in late fall, 1997. The exhibition, Working Forests Working People -- Getting more jobs from our local forests -- was held Nov. 22 at the Hazelton secondary school. The objectives of the exhibition and workshops were to provide information on forestry topics identified during public meetings and interviews, to network local users of the forest land base and to survey residents on their forestry concerns. More than 140 people attended Working Forests, Working People. Seventy people took part in the four workshops offered -- alternative harvesting systems, agroforestry, industrial hemp production and tourism. There were 36 exhibitors representing a wide variety of businesses, organizations, government agencies and community groups. During the day 34 people were surveyed about their concerns regarding the local forest industry. A full exhibition report and the results of the survey can be found in Appendix 5. The day came to a close with a feast hosted by Wilp Nikate'en. Economic action catalogue Throughout the fall, the economic action catalogue began to take shape. Business directories from each region in B.C. were acquired and appropriate businesses contacted by fax, telephone, e-mail and post. Those who responded were included in the catalogue (Appendix 6). Valuable resource material was accumulated during this part of the process. Community involvement Part of the planning process carried out by A-D Communications involved participation in local, regional and provincial processes that were related to the forest sector economic action plan initiatives. A-D Communications consultants attended regular meetings of local organizations whose mandates included fostering forest sector initiatives and also participated in regional and provincial conferences which were of assistance in developing the forest sector economic action plan. Meetings which were regularly attended included those called by such organizations as the Upper Skeena Development Group, local government bodies (Village of Hazelton, Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Government Commission) and the Northwest Institute for Bioregional Studies. Conferences, workshops and special events were also attended including the Premier's Summit on the Northern Economy, the Nadina Community Futures community economic development workshop, the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Economic Development Corporation trade fair, the Delgamuukw decision celebration feasts, Hazelton secondary school's organizational meetings for Woodlinks and FRBC's Skeena Bulkley region communities sector meetings. In addition, numerous forestry and community development specialists were consulted throughout the process and, when opportunities presented themselves, face-to-face meetings with these specialists were arranged to discuss matters related with the forest sector economic action plan. Think tank A forest economic think tank was facilitated as the final phase of the planning process. Local government representatives and individual community members participated in the think tank (Appendix 7). Participants concentrated on local control of forest resources in their discussions and directed A-D Communications to prepare a draft framework agreement which would outline a process where an agreement on community-controlled forest tenure could be developed (Appendix 8). These planning activities took approximately 10 months to complete. The planning information was collated and analysed. Certain observations and conclusions were drawn from this analysis. These observations and conclusions helped form recommendations. E. Observations and Conclusions I. Observations Observations made from the work conducted in this project include: People enjoy being outside. People want to work in forestry. People want to work on the land. Among residents of the TSA there is a high awareness of connection to the land. Some community members participate directly in activities on the land such as logging, hunting, trapping, berry-picking, mushroom harvesting, hiking and camping. Others don't participate in these types of activities but are aware that their lives in the TSA are directly tied to the land. There is room for more activity on the land by local residents and a need for increased infrastructure that will support these activities. This is a resource rich community. Trees, plants, animals, fish, minerals, wilderness, clean air, clean water are just some of the resources found in the TSA which are scarce elsewhere and which are highly valued. Despite the abundance of these natural resources and the wealth they represent, many community members struggle socially and economically. These rich resources include the human resource. Opportunities and potential for people in this community are very rich, particularly with people's knowledge of, and connection to, the land. The community has a wealth of experience among its members but this experience is underdeveloped and under-utilized in light of the abundance of opportunities in the Kispiox TSA. Numerous financial resources have been allocated to assist people in their education but little attention has been focused on taking advantage of peoples' experience and putting that experience to action that could lead to more independence and self-sufficiency. Much of the educational effort has focused on classroom-based retraining and life skills programs. Despite the commitment of financial resources in this regard, the local population is still largely economically dependent and not self-sufficient. In spite of continued economic instability, we have a stable population base. People get by in hard times. This is a unique feature of communities in the TSA compared to other settlements in the Northwest and compared to other natural resource-dependent communities. The recent financial difficulties experienced by Skeena Cellulose in the Northwest resulted in significant numbers of people leaving communities such as Stewart and Prince Rupert. The same effect did not take place in the Kispiox TSA community. People are here to stay. They are rooted to the land base and find ways to survive when times are tough financially. People survive by working outside of, and around, the dominant industrial model. They continue to use the infrastructure that was here long before the industrial model arrived. In many cases this alternate economy has just been pushed to the side. A strong social safety net and economic foundation is provided by extended family, House groups, clans and feasts. Many people survive financially through seasonal work outside of the mainstream economy through such activities as mushroom picking, the commercial inland fishery, trapping, and bartering and trading. There is a dependence on sustenance activities like hunting, berry-picking, canning and smoking fish, and growing gardens. II. Conclusions Within the history of the Upper Skeena, industrialization, colonialization and corporatism have left people living with dysfunction and poverty stemming from a loss of power. Overall, the communities of the Kispiox TSA have been dealing with such high unemployment, the radically cyclical nature of the forest industry, and far-removed decision-making, that it seemed the most recent Repap crisis wasn't a totally abnormal situation. This is the reality of the forest economy locals have had to deal with for the past three decades. This reality has left communities stuck in a cycle where power and control is not believed to exist locally. Many forest workers accept the recent crisis as "just the way it is", a few take control by making significant life changes, others remain unemployed because of a lack of personal power. No amount of local forest control will change the situation for many of these unemployed community members unless the dysfunction caused by this community's history is addressed. A forest sector economic action plan must consider this lack of personal power by developing strategies that are aimed not only at the economic potential of the area, but the human potential as well. In order to achieve a healthy, sustainable community, both the human and economic potential must be developed together, and given equal weight. These observations and conclusions have led to the development of seven recommendations that focus on ways to assist the communities of the Upper Skeena to have more involvement and influence over how the TSA's resources are developed. Specifically, the recommendations provide direction to the Village of Hazelton and the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation. F. Recommendations These recommendations are intended to guide the Village of Hazelton and Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation as they take steps to gain more control over their economic future and create sustainable communities. RECOMMENDATION #1 Establish a forestry cooperative A forestry cooperative will provide services to local forest businesses and individuals in market research, product marketing and networking. This cooperative fulfills the need for an infrastructure within the Upper Skeena to support small-scale forest enterprises in their attempts to successfully compete in the local forest market. RECOMMENDATION #2 Define and articulate a socioeconomic vision A socioeconomic vision will direct and support community development work such as a community forest tenure initiative. The process of defining a socioeconomic vision will assist in identifying opportunities in the TSA and will articulate the gap between those opportunities and the skill level present in the community. RECOMMENDATION #3 Compile a forest sector Economic Action Catalogue The Economic Action Catalogue profiles small-scale, successful forest sector businesses in B.C. The catalogue can be used by persons or groups who have an idea for a forest sector project and want to learn from others who have already initiated similar ideas. It can also be used as a browsing tool by those who are looking for ideas regarding forest sector projects. The Economic Action Catalogue, and the resources accumulated in compiling it, will assist community members in identifying opportunities in the TSA. RECOMMENDATION #4 Establish a Research Centre for Human Development and Social Sciences The research centre will link academics with people at the community level to work on projects that promote capacity-building among residents of the TSA. The research centre will conduct projects which investigate how to develop creative and flexible communities whose members are able to build sustainable economies. RECOMMENDATION #5 Establish an Upper Skeena Marketing Association The marketing association will offer marketing information and training to local businesses, conduct market research and promote the Upper Skeena as a place to visit and stay. The Upper Skeena marketing association will improve the ability of small-scale local businesses to succeed in forestry and tourism. RECOMMENDATION #6 Develop a long-term process in which local governments can research, discuss, define and implement a form of local tenure The process will involve community members developing an agreement on the form of local control they desire over the TSA's forest resources and how they wish to implement that control. This process will assist in developing an active citizenry who are committed to making changes that will result in healthy, sustainable communities. RECOMMENDATION #7 Research and create a financial structure that will fund long-term local initiatives The financial structure will generate funds through interest earned on investment and by soliciting investment for specific ventures. The financial structure will provide a solid vehicle to support local initiatives by developing community-controlled alternatives to short-term, project-based funding. G. Action Plan This action plan provides details on implementation of the recommendations. It includes a timeline, description of the recommendation, implementation steps, suggestions on who may be responsible to carry out the implementation and potential funding sources. The plan has been divided into three phases; immediate, mid-term and long-term. These indicate the time frame for the completion of tasks. Immediate is task completion within the first year, mid-term is task completion within one to two years and long-term is task completion between years three to five of the project. (see individual files for the action plans: action1.doc, action2.doc, action3.doc, action4.doc, action5.doc, action6.doc, action7.doc) H. Project Outcomes The following outcomes have been produced within this one-year project. Where possible, the completed outcome is available in the appendices of this report. A five-year plan The plan (section G) provides direction to the Village of Hazelton and the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Marketing Corporation on ways to gain more control over their economic future and create an economically sustainable community. A forest sector economic action plan video A six-minute video (Appendix 9) gives a sample of the human stories that are behind the recommendations in the report. This video serves as an introduction to the recommendations and action plan. An economic action catalogue The Economic Action Catalogue (Appendix 6) profiles small-scale, successful forest sector businesses in B.C. The catalogue can be used by persons or groups who have an idea for a forest sector project and want to learn from others who have already initiated similar ideas. It can also be used as a browsing tool by those who are looking for ideas regarding forest sector projects. A think tank A think tank (Appendix 7) took place to review the project's recommendations and discuss the action plan. Think tank participants agreed to sign a framework agreement on local control of forest tenure. A framework agreement on local control of the forest resource The purpose of this agreement (Appendix 8) is to outline a process, the substantive issues, and timing, for local governments to come to a final agreement on a form over control of the forest resource in the Kispiox TSA. A research report on community forest tenure The research report (Appendix 2) outlines the history of B.C.'s tenure system, describes current forms of community tenure and reviews new initiatives in this field. A summary of the report was distributed to community members. A forestry exhibition Working Forests, Working People was a one-day forestry exhibition and workshop (Appendix 5) held at Hazelton secondary school. The exhibition and workshops provided information on topic areas identified by community members in the survey process and networked local users of the forest land base. A random interview process was conducted during the exhibition. The information gathered assisted in formulating the recommendations. A community survey about forest issues The survey (Appendix 4) asked people about their interests and concerns in forestry. The findings became the basis for a one-day forestry exhibition. A socioeconomic discussion paper This discussion paper (Appendix 1) provides a social and economic snapshot of the Kispiox TSA. It was distributed to the community as a background document for a series public meetings and interviews. An extensive library of forest resources A collection of forest resources that include: provincial directories of businesses, organizations and associations; books relating to current trends about sustainable forest development, community development and economic development; research papers and other documents relating to forestry both locally, in the Northwest and provincially; information about grants, loans and other funding sources. |